Falklands. In the midst of the war, the Argentine military demanded bribes to buy combat aircraft and ammunition

Two intermediaries who participated in those negotiations provided details of the plot to LA NACION; the maneuver involved high-ranking officers from the Argentine Air Force and Army; Israel was the main war supplier, with logistical support from Peru

During the Malvinas https://blue-madeira-cbdgummybears.clubeo.com/news/2022/03/21/blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-bears-give-your-routine-the-boost-it-nee War, Argentine soldiers asked for bribes to buy combat aircraft, ammunition and other supplies that Argentina desperately needed to fight against the https://blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-bears-2.jimdosite.com/ United Kingdom and avoid an eventual attack by Chile, two intermediaries involved in those negotiations confirmed to LA NACION . The https://blue-madeira-cbd-gummybears.footeo.com/news/2022/03/21/blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-bears-pure-cannabinol-extract-gummy-bear requests for bribes reached high-ranking officers of the Argentine Air Force and Army, who asked for commissions that ranged between 5 and 20 or even 25 percent of the value of the operations, and who received cash in the midst of the war.

Those demands sometimes https://bumppy.com/tm/read-blog/30989_blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-bears-cbd-extract-gummy-bears-benefits.html unsettled the sellers, who objected to the fact that the military were seeking personal benefits while Argentina was at war, their comrades were fighting in the South https://www.brachsmma.com/forum/general-discussions/blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-bears-real-healthy-cannabidiol-gummy-bears-benefits Atlantic and the main arms dealers maintained an embargo against the country. In this context, Israel was Argentina's most important war supplier –with the https://wakelet.com/wake/0r4N_cTW6LKV_evkmGhu0 logistical support of Peru, which helped triangulate the purchases- , through the CLAL holding company, led by a handful of Argentines who had emigrated to Jerusalem.

The number one of the https://groups.google.com/g/bluemadeiracbdgummy-bears/c/1AY9PJ9Fipg CLAL holding company was Aaron Dovrat, born in Argentina with the name of Arturo Dochansky, in 1930, although he emigrated to Israel, very young, after marrying the daughter of the then ambassador https://the-dots.com/projects/blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-bears-best-exercise-equipment-for-seniors-673441 of that country in Argentina. Doomed to foreign trade from Israel, Dovrat used to travel to Buenos Aires, where his mother lived until she died. And it was in Capital where he opened an https://lexcliq.com/blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-bears-best-weight-loss-with-blue-madeira-gummies/ office, Isrex Argentina, in which Santiago José Gitrón, from Santa Fe, began to stand out, rising up the labor ladder to become a minority shareholder, with 25% of that company.

In charge of the daily https://reviewsbearsbluemadeiracbdgummy.clubeo.com/news/2022/03/22/blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-bears-reviews-does-blue-madeira-cbd-real management of Isrex Argentina, Gitrón tried to export all kinds of goods from Israel to Argentina in the early 1970s. And one of the sectors he https://blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-bears-reviews.jimdosite.com/ contacted was the Armed Forces, although he had to collide with the prevailing anti -Semitism and the exaggerated expectations of their https://bearsreviewsbluemadeiracbdgummy.footeo.com/news/2022/03/22/blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-bears-reviews-fire-up-weight-loss-with-b counterparts. For this reason, from Isrex they became accustomed to hearing comments against the Jews. "You killed Christ" was a common catchphrase. https://bumppy.com/tm/read-blog/31127_blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-bears-reviews-scam-or-safe-formula.html Commission requests were as high as 25 percent, encouraged by then-executives at rival company Siemens. Two of those executives would star in the 1990s bribery scandal for DNIs with the government of Carlos Menem.

Gitrón's refusal to pay a bribe https://www.brachsmma.com/forum/general-discussions/blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-bears-reviews-faux-rip-off-or-cbd of 20% -not because it was incorrect, but because it was excessive- caused an urgent meeting between a general involved and his collaborators. According to the https://wakelet.com/wake/KtLLijN8wSSkD3qqZqNQM memory of those who agreed to dialogue with LA NACION, the highest-ranking official feared that they believed that several points of the commission had bitten them.

While the military meetings https://groups.google.com/g/bluemadeiracbdgummybearsreviews/c/vUfe0qLo89A were taking place, Dovrat decided to set up his offices in Buenos Aires. But he did not specify it. A local salesman, Abraham Perelman, made him a proposal: https://the-dots.com/projects/blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-bears-reviews-update-2022-does-its-really-works-674163 that he support a minimum base in Buenos Aires –rent of an office, a secretary and other basic expenses-, and that if he obtained new business for Isrex https://lexcliq.com/blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-bears-reviews-is-real-working-2022-uses-price-reviews/ Argentina, he would keep 30% of the profit and the rest would go to the holding company CLAL. Dovrat accepted, unaware that his luck was about to change.

The military in power

After the coup in March 1976, https://bluemadeiracbdgummyreviews.clubeo.com/news/2022/03/22/blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-reviews-its-scam-or-legit-where-to-buy-h the prevailing anti-Semitism worsened, but Perelman's proposal bore fruit. When the dictatorship declared the 1977 arbitration award with Chile null and void, the military sought to buy https://blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-reviews-1.jimdosite.com/ arms and ammunition for a possible war, and began to review sales catalogues. This is how they sought to acquire Mirage aircraft and turned to France, but collided with delivery times of two and a half years.

Perelman found out about https://reviewsblue-madeira-cbd-gummy.footeo.com/news/2022/03/22/blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-reviews-how-it-working-uses-reviews the Argentine interest in buying war material and summoned Israel “Cacho” Lotersztain. They were very close friends – to the point that the first witnessed the second's https://bumppy.com/tm/read-blog/31181_blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-reviews-how-it-working-amp-uses-bluemadeira-gummy.html wedding – and they ended up as co-workers. "After the Six-Day War, Israel began to manufacture Mirage V fighter-bomber aircraft, it had many used ones and the possibility arose," Lotersztain recalled in dialogue with LA NACION.

"The Argentine military https://www.brachsmma.com/forum/general-discussions/blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-reviews-burn-fat-faster-than-ever desperately went out into the world to look for weapons, but only the Israelis accepted the crazy delivery deadlines they proposed," added the businessman, now in https://wakelet.com/wake/ctM-ku5xqX1ldlTsry4o5 his eighties. "For example, they wanted to have 20 fighter-bombers flying with trained personnel in five months," he said. Officials from the Air Force participated in these negotiations, https://groups.google.com/g/blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-reviews/c/8LLhFKZD5Nc plus Perelman for Isrex Argentina, with the support of the Israeli embassy, ​​while Gitrón went back and forth between Buenos Aires and Jerusalem, and was between interested and suspicious.

“Perelman worked in our https://the-dots.com/projects/blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-reviews-how-to-prevent-healthcare-worker-burnout-674333 office as a sales agent, not as a salaryman, and he was on a percentage basis. He was very intelligent, very versatile and very dangerous”, Gitrón told LA NACION https://lexcliq.com/blue-madeira-cbd-gummy-reviews-top-3-benefits-of-cbd-for-skin/ from Israel, where he has lived for 65 years. There he is known as Gad Hitron and, at 87, he spends his days in Savyon, outside Tel Aviv. “He had no qualms about doing things that other people would have refused to do,” he added.

Argentine interest in combat https://www.facebook.com/Blue-Madeira-CBD-Gummy-Bears-110356344949556 aircraft took the form of a contract. The amount was set at US$180 million in 1978 value –some US$775 million today-, of which a percentage would be shared between the parties as a https://dailylivebreakingnews.blogspot.com/2022/03/supported-by-la-campora-kirchnerist.html commission. “5 percent was for the military; the other 5 percent, minus expenses, went to the executives and was distributed as agreed: 70 percent to Isrex Israel and 30 percent to Perelman,” said Lotersztain. That is, almost US$39 million for the military and the same for Dovrat and Perelman.

According to Lotersztain, the sale of the Israeli Mirage V - also known as Dagger - was due, first of all, "to great luck". “Then it was the great merit of Perelman and Gitrón in the commercial aspect and of the Israeli aeronautical industry in the technical-legal aspect. And it was only when that operation was completed that they realized that they needed local help urgently and they called me together with two other friends of Perelman. That's why I had access to everything, the 'B' side of business too, ”he completed.

That “B” side included commissions, which were always paid in cash. According to Lotersztain -an Argentine engineer and historian who retains a prodigious memory-, the money was carried by hand to the military offices. But on certain occasions they chose to deliver it in exchange houses in the City of Buenos Aires. Among them, Giovinazzo, who later participated in illegal operations linked to the K money route and the Argentine chapter of Lava Jato.

After that sale in 1978, Israel became the usual supplier of the Armed Forces, always with a "B" side included. “We repeat the same thing with the flight simulators for training and with the navigators for those planes. And we also apply that method to sell ammunition to the Army, in an operation against the clock,” explained Lotersztain. "We managed to sell despite the anti-Semitism they had," he added.

Gitron also recalled incidents in that context. “Let's say that anti-Semitism in Argentina is like a disease. Some are itchy; others, no”, he ironically confirmed that Isrex Argentina served as an intermediary between the Argentine military and the Israeli government.

The prelude to the Malvinas war meant, in that sense, a turning point. Israel became a supplier to the Air Force – with commissions of 5%, for those involved – and to the Army, but not to the Navy. According to Lotersztain, because the commander of that force at the time of the 1976 coup, Admiral Eduardo Massera, had preferential ties with other companies.

“Our opportunity came when all the usual suppliers in Argentina were closed due to the war. England, obviously, but neither did the United States, France, Italy or Spain want to sell to the Junta, so Israel was the only seller, even when Washington and the English Jews pressured it not to sell,” Lotersztain said.

Pending accounts

Why did Israel agree to sell weapons to Argentina? According to Lotersztain, because of old pending accounts between the Israelis and the British. Thus, he recalled the meeting that Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin had with the then executive vice president of the Israeli aeronautical industry, Moshe Keret, and Dovrat.

Begin had been dragging a personal issue since 1947, when the British controlled Jerusalem and captured Dov Gruner, his best friend, after an attack on a hotel. He was hanged and the later Israeli prime minister swore revenge. “ Are these weapons going to be used to kill Englishmen?”, would have been his question when Keret and Dovrat spoke to him about the possible sale to Argentina, to give their approval later. He only imposed one condition: that they triangulate the sale through another South American country, with all the papers in order, to have an alibi if the English complained.

Luis Guterzon, an employee of Isrex Argentina, then traveled to Peru, which lent its full support, based on the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (TIAR). At 82 years old, Guterzon lives on the outskirts of Buenos Aires, where he was located by LA NACION, but his relatives indicated that he is not in a position to answer questions.

The triangulation via Peru was possible, meanwhile, after negotiations led by the then head of the Argentine Air Force, Brigadier General Basilio Lami Dozo, and the military attaché, Commodore Andrés Dubós, as reconstructed by the journalist and historian Hernán Dobry in Operation Israel. The Argentine rearmament during the dictatorship, an unavoidable book on that period, based on Argentine and Peruvian sources, and unpublished documents.

The support of Peruvian President Fernando Belaúnde Terry reached such a point that his head of the Air Force signed and sealed twenty blank purchase orders, with their corresponding certificates of final destination in his country, which were reviewed by the Israeli military attaché in Buenos Aires. and ended up in the hands of Lotersztain. "In white! Do you realize what that means? I had them on my desk,” he recounted.

The next step was to hire five flights from AeroPerú - in Peru they refer to two DC-8 of its Air Force -, which flew from Jerusalem and landed at the El Callao airport, where the cargo was transferred to Boeing 707 aircraft from Aerolineas Argentinas that took off for the El Palomar air base, before continuing to bases in Patagonia.

Despite constant monitoring by Mossad, the British secret service MI5 found out. “They had all the data, the documents, the photos. Everything. Our suspicion is that they had an informant in Argentina,” said Lotersztain, who, at the suggestion of the Mossad – who did not rule out reprisals against those involved – did not set foot in London for two decades. But Peru helped in the triangulation of planes, supplies, missiles, spare parts, instructors and more.

Backed by hard data, Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and President Ronald Reagan complained to Israel, which went ahead anyway. The Argentine Air Force requested at least fifty additional fuel tanks to extend the flight autonomy of its Mirage -or Dagger- planes, and Lotersztain was informed of this.

“I went to call from a booth because we knew that my phone was tapped. Israel offered 200 of 1,700 liters each and charged them $3,450 each, which meant a 30 percent discount on the catalog value, when they could have charged them ten times more due to Argentina's state of need," he said. "To carry those tanks, two Jumbo freighters were rented through Isrex Israel that Argentina paid for, but the condition was that the Mossad approved the freight company, and unofficially they told me that they chose a CIA company," he completed.

But the combat missions in the South Atlantic meant a huge cost in lives and materials for the Air Force. The loss of planes put the protection of continental airspace at risk and Brigadier General Basilio Lami Dozo feared that Chile would take advantage of it to attack. That's why he looked for options. And again Israel was an option.

"Yes or yes"

“In 1980 we had invited three Air Force officers to Israel, where they saw some Mirage III-Cs that were for sale, but very used and without maintenance, for which Israel was asking just 100 million dollars, with spare parts and everything. ”, reviewed Lotersztain. But the Air Force itself declined to buy them because of the state they were in. “That changed with Malvinas, when Lami Dozo spoke on the phone with Perelman, who was in Israel at the time, and told him that he wanted those planes yes or yes. He did not want Chile to believe that the Argentine South was defenseless”.

Even in this moment of extreme urgency, the Argentine military asked for a cut to close the purchase of the Mirage planes. “Logically, the percentage is the same as always”, was, according to Lotersztain's recollection, what Lami Dozo communicated to Perelman. Both died a few years ago, and LA NACION consulted the Ministry of Defense, from where they declined to comment.

For Israel, that request was too much. During the Malvinas conflict they refused to pay bribes and claimed their representatives in Argentina. They argued that it was inconceivable that buyers would ask for commissions when their country was at war. But the military insisted. Even when Israel, which had previously set the sale value at US$105 million, reduced it to US$72 million, plus another US$6 million in spare parts and conditioning of the units. But from Buenos Aires they did not give in: they asked for their 5%, that is, almost US$ 4 million.

The Israeli refusal did not stop the operation, which led to a misunderstanding. “'We understand what it means to be at war,' was the Israeli explanation. But I believe that the reasons were different”, stated Lotersztain, while, on the Argentine side, they interpreted the completion of the sale as an acceptance of the bribe and, therefore, that there was “a debt”.

The purchase of the planes was completed with the help of Peru, through a shell company that the Mossad had in Switzerland, plus an account at Credit Suisse, which withheld the funds due to the correct suspicion that it was a triangulation of weapons, until, fifteen days later, Gitrón appeared at the bank with a clerk.

The operation also involved the drafting of a contract with all the details, but which was never signed, nor of which there were copies. The original remained in the safe of the Air Force's Chief of Materials until, five years later, someone showed up at the Isrex Argentina offices to return it. "We burned it in the toilet," Lotersztain explained.

But the Israelis maintained their decision not to pay that bribe, despite Dovrat's proposals, who anticipated what was going to happen. Isrex Argentina began to suffer reprisals from the Armed Forces, which lasted for years, well into the Menem movement, and despite other displays of Israeli support.

What samples? Israel deployed technicians to the Falklands to assist with the machinery they sold. Among them, two men -Gil Or and his assistant Ika Orgad-, who helped in Puerto Argentino to keep communications open with the mainland until the end. They left in the last Hercules C-130 prior to capitulation.

That was not all. The requests from the Condor Building were constant. “At one point, military intelligence saw images on the BBC of British soldiers wearing gas masks and they feared such an attack, so they asked Gitron to send 1,250 masks, but the control commission of each sale in Israel was suspicious. "Why do they want 1,250 masks if they have 15,000 soldiers on the islands?" they asked. Then Gitrón put the boxes with the masks on a plane, without authorization, and sent them to Buenos Aires as well,” explained Lotersztain.

“predominant factor”

At 87 years old, Gitrón preferred to keep quiet about it. “All our activities were approved by the Israeli government and everything you tell me is surrounded by a government limit that I am not authorized to cross,” he indicated at the end of June 2021 when LA NACION located him for the first time in the Middle East.

In later conversations, however, Gitrón pointed out that the British had committed a "war crime" with the sinking of the cruiser ARA General Belgrano, which was added to the collaboration offered by Chile, "where they completed the maintenance and repair of English helicopters. In this context, he maintained: “Israel helped Argentina for a series of important things. The first, that Israel had just liberated itself from the British, whom they saw as occupying military forces.”

After a long silence, and in the last of the conversations he had with LA NACION, he recalled his short-circuits with the military: “In Argentina there is an inclination to make money in any way. Earning money is a predominant factor and you had to get used to that, although not all the military were the same. Some would never have asked for bribes like other officers.”

After the Argentine surrender in Malvinas, and despite the help provided by Isrex Argentina, the military retaliated against the company. They claimed the unpaid commission of US$ 4 million for the purchase of the Mirage III-C aircraft. And, in keeping with the divisions and misgivings that the Armed Forces showed during the conflict, they refused to pay the outstanding bills for the fuel tanks and overcoats that the Air Force brought for the Army conscripts, through the intercession of Lotersztain, in the same jumbos.

“The Air Force made the calculation of weight and volume, and in the account of those planes it only paid its part. 'Let the Army pay its own,' they told me because the relationship between the forces was horrible,” Lotersztain recalled. “We could never collect that,” he closed.